The Forest Rights Act, 2006: Will It End the Historic Exploitation of Tribal Population?

The Historic Forest Rights Act, 2006

Passage of The Forest Rights Act, 2006 (Officially known as the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest-Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006) was an historic moment for India’s over 80 million tribal population who were forced to live like “encroachers” on their own land, since the British occupiers. It was also a moment of victory for the tribal rights activists across the country. The Act came into force on December 31, 2007. The forest rights act (which is also variously known as Forest Dwellers Act, Forest Tribes Act, Tribal Rights Act) aims to provide a framework which recognizes and vests forest rights in forest-dwelling tribes and foster a new forest conservation regime which almost makes them the caretakers of the local forests.

Roots of Exploitation of Tribal People

tribals protest for Rights

The indigenous tribes of India have lived on forest land for ages cultivating and collecting forest produce. However, their traditional rights have never been adequately recognized or recorded and they have been forced to live as under constant fear of the state officials.

This happened because of a series of Indian Forest Acts that were passed from 1876 through 1927 by the British. As occupiers, their primary concern was to generate maximum revenue from natural resources, and gain easy access to timber. Hence the laws were designed to prevent “unauthorized” access of people to forest produce. Of course, it would be foolish to expect them to be concerned about people, their subjects.

This gave birth to the all-powerful forest department and forest officials. They became lords of the jungles with almost absolute authority to arrest, confiscate property, and evict people. This was the British way of the management of forests and natural resources by excluding local people. They started the process of “survey and settlement” involving documentation of the land under the private ownership of individuals and state takeover of the rest of the land and resources. This dealt severe blow to the age-old tradition of managing land and resources largely as common resources belonging to the entire community.

Needless to say, the rights of tribals and forest dwellers were almost never recorded at the time of declaration of either reserved or protected forests, with the result that were reduced to the status of aliens and encroachers on the land they have lived since ancient times and their usual livelihood related activities got criminalized. Thus, the British ended up depriving  the native tribes their traditional peaceful lifestyle and the forests resources, their natural traditional caretaker.

The Forest Act of 1927 remained India’s central forest law even after independence (transfer of power from the White-rulers to the Brown-rulers!) and the native tribes remained subordinated to the whims and fancies of the forest authorities. In recent decades, conservationists who want to see forests and its resources separate from the tribal people and corporate houses that eye minerals and other resources of forests, have joined hands with the forest officials. The result has been increasing harassment, forced eviction and untold suffering of the poor forest dwelling tribes, on the one hand and clearing of forests and plunder of forest resources by timber mafia with regular connivance with forest officials, on the other. This situation gave birth to the Naxal Violence in India. By championing the cause of helpless trials they penetrated into their society as their saviors and the Indian government remained a moot spectator. Now the Prime Minister declares it the biggest internal security threat of the country.

Forests are More than Timber and Minerals

Forest offer Enough for All!

An estimated 147 million villagers live in and around forests and another 275 million villagers depend heavily on forests for their livelihoods. In particular, produce from forests such as fuel wood and non-timber forest products (NTFPs) contributes significantly to household subsistence and income for people living in or adjacent to forests. Livelihood security for this segment of the population is critically linked to both ecological security and the security of access to, and control over, natural resources.

Since independence in 1947 well over 60 million people have been displaced by large development projects (such as hydroelectric dams, mines and other industrial projects) and wildlife protected areas. Comprehensive figures for displacement from protected areas are not available; some social activists claim that in the past five years, 300,000 families have been evicted from protected areas alone.

“Life was so beautiful in the forest. No one ever went hungry. The fruits alone sustained us for four months of the year. The forest used to provide us plenty. We also ploughed the land. But they threw us out, and drowned everything. And we are left with nothing.”  

- A 55 year old tribal women in Nabarangpur district in Orissa, now forced to work as a stone crusher for survival

The Ancient Tradition of Community Forest Management

Before the British, in most parts of India the land and natural resources were more or less the property of big landlords (zamindars / jagirdars) or local rulers. Putting it simply, they were mainly interested in collecting revenue from these areas and the day-to-day management was largely left to the people who lived in close contact with local natural resources. Their deep cultural and spiritual relationships with the surrounding resources created an intricate system of community based management where private ownership of land was much less important than community use. In fact there were, and still are, many tribal communities, particularly practicing shifting cultivation or hunting gathering, who had nearly no concept of individual land ownership.

Will the Forest Rights Act Restore the Dignity of Poor Tribals?

If one goes by the current status of implementation of the FRA, nothing much has changed on the ground for the poor and unfortunate forest dependent tribes. (Read the detailed PDF report: Appraisal_Forest_Rights_Act_2006)

• The tribal population is still not aware of the specific rights the FRA has given the.
• There are other overlapping laws that negate the spirit and content of FRA.
• There is vehement opposition towards implementation of the Act from the forest department officials who don’t want give their traditional power, the environmental activists who think forests are safer without people (they fail to imagine that humans can live symbiotically with its surroundings), and the Ministry of Environment and Forest (MoEF) cannot tolerate a situation where the poor tribals in Gram Sabhas are allowed to decide the fate of the so-called large “development” projects of the rich corporate houses and MNCs.

The Forest Rights Act may have all the best intentions for protecting the interests of forest dwelling tribes, but in reality its implementation is as superficial, if not worst, as the PESA Act, 1996. In a world where “development” only means increase in the bottom lines of corporate sharks and forcing poor people from rural areas towards cities to become cheap fodder for industry and businesses, the tribal people have to rely on their survival instinct more than the designs of “developed people.”

Destroyed for “Development”

Renewable Energy Development: REC vs Preferential feed-in-tariff

Renewable Energy Certificates (RECs)

In January 2010, the Central Electricity Regulatory Commission (CERC) announced Regulation on Terms and Conditions for recognition and issuance of Renewable Energy Certificate for Renewable Energy Generation. Accordingly, a generating company involved in electricity generation from renewable sources of energy will be eligible to get Renewable Energy Certificate (REC) for each 1 MWh (1000 unit) of generation subject to:

• It has got accreditation from State Nodal Agency
• It does not have any PPA for the capacity related to such generation with distribution licensee at preferential tariff (state regulated tariff),
• It sells electricity generated either to the distribution licensee at price not exceeding average pooled cost of power purchase (APCPP) of the distribution licensee for last year, or
• To any other licensee or to an open access consumer at mutually agreed price, or through Power Exchange.

Captive RE Generators are also eligible for REC if they are not availing promotional Wheeling or promotional banking and not getting any electricity tax/duty exemption from the state.

This provision ensures supply of REC in the market; the demand is ensured through the mandatory Renewable Portfolio Obligations (RPO) across all Indian states. The RPOs are imposed on “Obligatory Entities” – distribution licensees, captive consumers and open-access consumers – to consume certain % of their total energy consumption through renewable energy sources. They can buy RECs from the market equivalent to the short fall in their RE purchase.

The legislative support for RPO comes from section 86 (1) (e) of the Electricity Act,-2003 which says: “to promote co–generation and generation of electricity through renewable sources of energy by providing suitable measures for connectivity with the grid and sale of electricity to any persons, and also specify, for purchase of electricity from such sources, a percentage of the total consumption of electricity in the area of a distribution licensee.”

Procedure for RE generators to avail REC

The first step on the path of REC is to get accreditation from the State Nodal Agency and then register with the Central Agency (NLDC). Thereafter the RE generator is required to verify its RE generation through the State Load Dispatch Center (SLDC). Then an application is filed with the Central Agency to get RECs issued in the dematerialized form which can be traded at the designated Power Exchanges in Delhi or Mumbai.

Salient Features of the REC Framework

• Renewable Energy Certificate (REC) mechanism is a market based instrument to promote renewable energy and facilitate renewable purchase obligations (RPO).
• RE generations with existing Power Purchase Agreement on preferential tariff are not eligible for REC mechanism.
• REC mechanism is aimed at addressing the mismatch between availability of RE resources in the state and the requirement of the obligated entities to meet the renewable purchase obligation (RPO).
• The State Electricity Commissions define who the obligated entities are: distribution companies, open access consumers, captive consumers.
• Cost of electricity generation from renewable energy sources is visualized as consisting of two components: (a) cost of electricity generation equivalent to conventional energy sources and (b) the cost for environmental attributes.
• Price of the electricity component would be equivalent to the weighted average power purchase cost of the discom including short term power purchase but excluding renewable power purchase.
• 1 REC will be issued for each 1 MWh of electricity injected into the grid from renewable energy sources.
• REC would be issued only to the accredited projects of RE generators.
• Grid connected RE Technologies with minimum capacity of 250 KW and approved by MNRE would be eligible under this scheme.
• CERC has designated National Load dispatch Centre (NLDC) as Central Agency for registration, repository, and other functions for implementation of REC framework at national level.
• Central Agency would issue REC to RE generators for specified quantity of electricity injected into the grid.
• REC would be exchanged only in the CERC approved power exchanges.
• Price of electricity component of RE generation would be equivalent to the weighted average power purchase cost of the discom including short term power purchase but excluding renewable power purchase.

• REC would be traded only within the limits of forbearance price and floor prices. These prices would be determined by CERC in consultation with Central agency and FOR (Forum of Regulators) from time to time.

• In case of default SERC may direct obligated entity to deposit into a separate fund to purchase the shortfall of REC at forbearance price.
• Central Agency will extinguish the RECs sold in Power Exchanges in its records as per information provided by the Power Exchanges. The certificates will be extinguished by the Central Agency in the “First-in-First-out” order.

Feed-in Tariff

A feed-in tariff (FiT) or preferential tariff is a policy mechanism designed to encourage the development of renewable energy (RE) sources and help them move toward grid parity. It typically includes three key provisions

• Guaranteed grid access
• Long-term contract for the electricity produced
• Purchase prices that are methodologically based on the actual cost of renewable energy generation and tend towards grid parity. This is also known as Cost-plus approach.

Under the preferential tariff, the regional or national electric grid utilities are obliged to buy renewable electricity (electricity generated from renewable sources, such as solar, wind, biomass, hydropower, etc), at the price determined by regulators using cost-plus approach. This approach enables development different RE sources and investors to obtain a reasonable return on their investments.

Salient Features of PPA framework

• A Power Purchase agreement (PPA) in the field of solar power plant development is a twenty five (25) year buy back agreement done by the government with the developer.
• The tariff in case of a PPA is fixed for twenty five years or as defined in the PPA agreement.
• Normally PPA based projects are allocated through a competitive bidding process where the developers interested to develop a solar power plant bid through a closed reverse bidding process to get the project.
• The developer who bids at the lowest tariff is allotted the project and so on.
• All expected capacities to be allocated through the PPA framework in the National Solar Mission as well as Rajasthan State Solar Policy will be through a competitive bidding process.

Snapshot of REC vs Preferential Tariff Mechanisms

REC projects	PPA projects
Open access	Entry through competitive bidding
High but variable returns	Average but fixed returns
Any capacity above 250 Kw	Minimum 5 MW
Allotment is assured	Allotment depends on competition
Get RECs trading	Not eligible for REC trading
Variable tariff	Fixed tariff
No cap	Limited allotments
Tariff variable but minimum revenue REC floor + APPC	Tariff fixed for 25 years
Accelerated benefit allowed	No Accelerated Depreciation benefit

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Background of Renewable Energy Certificates (RECs)

Released in June 2008 by the Government of India, the National Action Plan for Climate Change (NAPCC) laid out a roadmap for increasing the share of renewable energy in the total generation capacity of the country. The Plan set the minimum renewable energy target at 5% of the total energy procurement by 2010 across the country, with a 1% year-on-year increase for the next 10 years, that is, 10% by 2015 and 15% by 2020. The solar RPO requirement currently ranges from 0% to 0.5% of total electricity consumed. It is expected to go up to 3% by 2022.

The potential of renewable energies (RE) is spread throughout the country and power generation from them is fairly decentralized. Therefore, the Electricity Act, 2003 has assigned the responsibility of RE promotion to the respective state electricity commissions (SERCs). Accordingly, the SERCs are empowered to ensure a certain pre-fixed percentage of renewable energy – known as renewable purchase obligation (RPO) – in the electricity mix in their respective states. But there is an in-built problem with this preposition: some states have low renewable energy potential and hence, they are constraint to fix low RPOs because it is an intra-state affair. Likewise many states are quite high on renewable energy potential, but they lacked incentive to develop it beyond their RPO requirement due to high project costs.

Therefore, in order to achieve the ambitious goal of RE development a nation-wide mechanism was needed that could allow RE deficit states to aim for bigger RPO targets and also encourages development of renewable resources in the RE rich states. Thus, the concept of renewable energy certificate (REC) was developed learning from the experiences of other countries. Besides allowing inter-state transactions, it also serves others goals, such as

• Overcoming geographical hurdles in the development of renewable energy resources.
• Creating competition among various RE technologies
• Effective implementation of RPO targets across all states
• Being a market based mechanism, it would ultimately allow the government to move away from subsidy based promotion of RE which is a drain on the exchequer

The REC essentially represents two different products: One is the commodity electricity and the other is the environmental benefit of renewable energy power. These two entities can be sold separately and independently. The electricity is sold to the local distributing company (discom) and the environmental benefit represented by the REC is paid for by the economic system of the country.

It must be noted that the REC mechanism is not an incentive scheme. It is merely a market mechanism to enable various obligated entities to meet their RPO norms specified by their respective SERCs. The mechanism co-exists with all the current incentive schemes which are generally designed for generation only.

RPOs – The Main Drivers of RE Development in India

State level Renewable Energy Purchase Obligation (RPO) regulations/norms are put in place by SERCs in most of the states. The RPO regulations are required to be met by obligated entities (distribution licensees, group captives and open access customers) by purchasing renewable energy either by entering into PPAs with renewable energy assets and/or by purchasing renewable energy certificates.

RE Producers Eligible for REC Mechanism

In order to be eligible the generating company has to meet one of the eligibility criteria, as defined by the CERC, so that the central agency (NLDC) can grant registration to the “Eligible Entity”. These are given below:

1. Will get accreditation from the state agency as notified by the SERC concerned;
2. Will not have any PPA with distribution utilities at a preferential tariff determined by the SERC; and
3. Will sell the electricity generated either to the distribution licensee of the area in which the eligible entity is located, at a price not exceeding the average pooled cost of power purchase (APPC) of such distribution licensee, or to any other licensee or to an open access consumer at a mutually agreed price, or through power exchange at the market-determined price.

Existing projects for which long-term PPAs are already in place will be allowed to participate in the REC scheme after the expiry of their existing PPAs. Since March 2011, RECs are traded on the power exchange for market-based price discovery, with the floor and cap being set by the CERC.

Pricing of the Electricity and the REC Component

The pricing of the electricity and the REC has to follow separate mechanisms. The electricity tariff is generally fixed as the average power purchase price (APPP) of the distributing licensee. The state electricity commissions regulate all sources of power purchase and the procurements of all distribution licensees. Thus, the power purchase expenses are calculated on the basis of the aggregate revenue requirements of the generators.

The average power purchase (APP) cost is calculated by pooling the price of all the sources of power, for which all relevant information is available well in advance. Thus there is increased certainty both for the project developers and the end consumers regarding the price of power. The most important benefit of this method is that it doesn’t unnecessarily overburden the consumer.

As per the August 23, 2011 order of CERC, the cap (forbearance) and floor prices have been fixed for five years starting from April 1, 2012. Thus, they will remain effective till March 31, 2017. It should reduce regulatory uncertainty and provide comfort to investors and lenders.

	Non Solar REC (Rs/MWh)	Solar REC (Rs/MWh)
Forbearance Price*	3300	13400
Floor Price**	1500	9300

*Forbearance Price: It is the highest difference between the CERC tariff and the APPC across states.

**Floor Price: This is the price to keep the project viable in terms of meeting the O&M expenses, Interests on loan and working capital, principal repayment etc. It is taken as the highest difference between the minimum requirement for project viability and respective state APPC of pervious year.

These new forbearance and floor prices indicate downward revision from the previous prices (ie, for solar RECs the previous cap and floor prices were Rs 17,000 and Rs 12,000).

The REC trading started in March 2011 and it is too early to draw any meaningful conclusions from the trading prices and volumes. The REC market is still evolving with the REC trading volume is significantly low compared with the overall RPO requirements in the country. Looking at the status of RE development in the country, the supply of RECs is expected to trail the RPO demand in the coming years across states.

India’s First Solar REC

M&B Switchgear has become India’s first solar developer to get itself registered by National Load Despatch Centre (NLDC) for solar renewable energy certificates (RECs) for its 1.5 MW solar plant. It is also planning to raise its capacity to 6MW and put the entire capacity under REC. Three other companies in line are Jain Irrigation (8 MW), Kanoria Chemicals (5 MW) and Numeric Power (1 MW).

Latest Solar Forbearance and Floor Prices

(Data from CERC Order of August 23, 2011: Annexure-5)

Rs/KWh	Solar PV	Solar Thermal
O&M Expenditure	0.87	1.16
Interest on Term Loan	3.92	3.75
Interest on Working capital	035	0.35
Repayment	6.08	5.79
Total	11.22	11.05

Calculation for Solar PV

State	APPC (2011-12)	CERC Tariff (PV)	Gap Between Tariff & APPC	Min Requirement	Gap Between Min Req. & APPC
Tamil Nadu	3.38	15.39	12.01	11.22	7.84
Gujarat	2.98	15.39	12.41	11.22	8.24
Haryana	2.77	15.39	12.62	11.22	8.45
Punjab	2.71	15.39	12.68	11.22	8.51
Karnataka	2.66	15.39	12.73	11.22	8.57
UP	2.62	15.39	12.77	11.22	8.60
Maharashtra	2.62	15.39	12.77	11.22	8.60
Rajasthan	2.60	15.39	12.79	11.22	8.62
Andhra Prad.	2.50	15.39	12.89	11.22	8.72
WB	2.43	15.39	12.96	11.22	8.79
Uttarakhand	2.34	15.39	13.05	11.22	8.88
HP	2.23	15.39	13.16	11.22	8.99
MP	2.09	15.39	13.30	11.22	9.13
Chhattisgarh	2.05	15.39	13.34	11.22	9.17
Kerala	1.99	15.39	13.40	11.22	9.23

Therefore, the current forbearance and floor prices are Rs 13,400 and Rs 9,300 (rounded to next hundred) and will remain valid till March 2017. A similar calculation for solar thermal projects using CERC tariff of Rs 15.05 and Minimum requirement of Rs 11.05 yields lower figures than these prices; so they are discarded in favor of these prices.

There is a wide variation in the APP costs in different states. Because of this, an obvious outcome is that the RE project implementer might sense better opportunities in states with higher APP cost rather than states which have better renewable energy generating opportunities.

Comment: The forbearance and floor prices are thus decided by the state with the lowest APPC – Kerala here. Therefore, if the calculations of CERC are realistic, any RE project should be viable anywhere in the country.

Example: Suppose you decide to set up a 1 MW solar power in Uttar Pradesh and go for REC mechanism. So you will sell the electricity at Rs 2.62 per unit and if the solar REC at the floor price of Rs 9.30, you earn Rs 11.92 per unit electricity produced. Add to that the benefit of GBI of Rs 0.50 per unit and you make Rs 12.42 per unit. If the demand-supply mechanism operates in the REC trading and the RPOs are strictly enforced in the future and you are able to sell the REC part at the mean of the cap and the floor price (ie, Rs 11.35), you end up earning Rs 14,47 / unit electricity.

A Critical Bottleneck

RPO levels are not in line with the NAPCC Roadmap

There are really two issues with the RPO targets across Indian states. First: the RPO targets (for example for 2012) vary considerably from 1 to 11 percent and are not in line with the recommended level of 7% suggested by the NAPCC. Some states such as Chhattisgarh, Haryana, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal have revised their target RPO levels significantly downwards for 2012 compared with the earlier set targets. For instance, Tamil Nadu (which is rich in wind energy) has reduced the 2012 target to 9 percent compared with 14 percent of 2011. This most likely reflects poor financial health of state utilities.

Second: Only few states have set their RPO targets for longer periods into the future; most have targets only till FY 2012 or 2013. Coupled with the tendency of downward revision and lack of clear and strict enforcement mechanism, it creates uncertainty for the investors and developers, which is not good for the future of REC mechanism.

A Suggestion to Deepen the REC Market

Mr Vineeth Vijayaraghavan, Editor of Panchabuta, an online newsletter, has given this suggestion to stir enough demand for RECs. These are bought by “obligated entities” if they fail to buy the prescribed percentage of renewable energy – known as renewable purchase obligation (RPO). Normally these “obligated entities” include distribution companies, captive consumers, and open access users. They are expected to meet their shortfall in renewable energy portfolio by buying RECs.

The suggestion is to include the thermal power plants in the list of “obligated entities”; they are themselves big consumers of electricity. These plants consume power in their functioning; for example, for lighting and fans, to run coal and ash handling plants, etc. This “auxiliary consumption” is typically of the order of 7 percent of the generating capacity of the plant. Thus, a 1,000-MW thermal power plant consumes 70 MW power.

The thermal power capacity in the country is over 100,000 MW, the “auxiliary consumption” of these plants works out to 7,000 MW. Imposing a 10 percent RPO adds over 700 MW worth demand for RECs.

Let us see if and when the CERC concurs with this idea.

Summary of REC Price Trend and Outlook

We believe that the rising international prices of fossil fuel and the persistent domestic coal shortages make will continue to close the gap between the RE prices and low cost thermal power. We also expect the new RE projects/IPPs to prefer the REC route as opposed to the preferential tariff. As the REC trading takes roots, the demand and supply forces would begin to govern the REC prices which should allow a win-win situation both for the “obligated entities” and RE producers. Stricter and periodic (monthly or quarterly) enforcement of RPOs is certainly indicated for good health of REC mechanism. This, however, demands improving financial health of state electricity utilities. Current scenario can be summed up as follows:

• The installed RE capacity is very low compared to the potential and the Renewable Purchase Obligation (RPO) requirements.
• Many states (such as UP, Haryana, Delhi) have very low supply of RE against their RPO requirement. The generation from projected RE capacity addition will leave a shortfall for their RPO requirement in the coming years.

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Sun is Shining on India’s Solar Power Program!

Solar Energy Prices Moving towards Grid Parity

Indian renewable energy policy makers appear to have learned a lesson from the EU: they are forcing solar power producers to compete in auctions rather than luring investors with subsidies which can hurt the economy. This is the message that came across loudly in the latest national auction (National Solar Mission’s Phase-1 Batch-2) of December 2011. The lowest bidder (Solairedirect SA, France) offered photovoltaic electricity at the rate of Rs 7,490 ($147) per megawatt-hour. According to the analysis of Bloomberg New Energy Finance, this is globally the third lowest bid after $120 for a megawatt-hour in Peru and $110 in China and also 30 percent below the global average price for solar power. This study also points out that, in terms of levelized cost, globally project developers ask for around $208 per megawatt-hour for a solar plant, $78 for a wind, and $76 for a coal plant.

The average bid price in the Batch-2 auction was Rs 8,780, which is 30 percent lower than the average of Batch-1 auction of December 2010. Therefore, even the solar prices (most expensive amongst the renewables) are fast inching towards the conventional coal based power; though still off by about 35 percent. Industry experts feel that solar power will achieve cost parity with fossil-fuel based power in next 3 – 5 years; the Indian government is a bit extra cautious and expects parity by 2019.

The reason for this happy scenario for solar energy is the falling prices of solar panels due to rapid capacity additions by the Chinese manufacturers. The price competition taking place worldwide is reflected in these latest bids. Recently, solar and Wind power developers in some Latin American countries like Brazil, Uraguay, and Peru have won contracts close to the rates of fossil fuel-based electricity.

As per current scenario, solar power is already on par with power produced from imported LNG at a production cost of Rs. 8-10 / unit.

Rising Interest in Solar Electricity

It cannot be denied that a large part of India’s solar success is due to State incentives under the National Solar Mission (NSM), which seeks to install 20GW of solar power by 2022 in the country. The Jawaharlal Nehru National Solar Mission (JNNSM) was announced in 2009. JNNSM aims to promote the development of solar energy for grid connected and off-grid power generation. The ultimate objective is to make solar power competitive with fossil based applications by 2020-2022.

 Roadmap Proposed by the Jawaharlal Nehru National Solar Mission

Application Segment	Target for Phase 1  (2010-13)	Target for Phase 2 (2013-17)	Target for phase 3 (2017-22)
Solar Collectors	7 million sq. meters	15 million sq. meters	20 million sq. meters
Off-grid solar application	200 MW	1,000 MW	2,000 MW
Utility grid power  including roof top	1,000-2000 MW	4,000-10,000 MW	20,000 MW

In addition to the federal program, states such as Gujarat, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu and Maharashtra have also emerged as front-runners in promoting RE by offering fiscal and tariff incentives to both domestic and overseas promoters.

Response to NSM’s Phase-1 auctions has been quite heartening: In the Batch-1 auction of December 2010, there were bids for 1,700 MW against the allocated 150 MW; in the Batch-2 bidding of December 2011, about 200 companies offered over 2,500 MW against invitation of 350 MW.

This is despite a 2010 World Bank study ‘Report On Barriers For Solar Power Development In India’ that interviewed solar developer: “Around 63% of the developers stated that barriers in policy and regulatory aspects were the most significant barriers. Around 53% of the developers stated that along with policy barriers, the infrastructure barriers are critical too.”

Nonetheless, overseas solar developers still have faith in the Indian solar market. Given the solar growth potential, global solar operators cannot afford to ignore India. International player do see good prospects in investing in India’s RE sector that largely comprises wind and solar. Recent reports by PwC and KPMG consultancies have highlighted that India is the third preferred nation after USA and China for global renewable energy investment. Major global solar suppliers have already entered or have plans to enter soon. Given the rate and quantum of tie-ups, experts feel that the solar capacity which was mere 50 MW in 2010 is set to rise to almost 10GW in next five years.

In the End…

Let us hope that all these developments will bring “light” in the homes of over 400 million Indians living in the rural and backward areas uncovered by the national power supply grid, as pointed out by a 2011 study of International Energy Agency. It will be unjust if the fruits of all these “developments” again remain limited to only about 300 million urban Indians, including the corporate sector, whose interests are primarily at the core of the so called “economic liberalization” of the country.

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What makes MASVAW Effective?

MASVAW puts Men at the Center

“There is no difference between MASVAW men’s words and actions – they first do and then talk. I also should be like them – implement first on me and then talk.” – A new member, on how MASVAW men inspire others.

“It was the intensities in the passion for the gender justice I felt in some of the core (MASVAW) members I knew from my earlier days of activism. To name them one name that first comes to my mind is Rahul whom I knew from the days when we were spending a lot of time on the streets of Delhi and harboring a lot of dreams in our young heart to be able to make this world better and sensitive.” – Runu Chakroborthy, A feminist and well-known Social Worker

MASVAW puts “Men” at the center of attention. It considers it important to address what goes on inside men’s minds – their thinking process, beliefs, ignorance, dogmas, misconceptions, and so on. Having a set of correct attitudes towards women and right understanding of women as human beings is what makes a “MASVAW man” who then becomes the harbinger of change in the society. Therefore, the activities revolve bringing about achieving these changes in men.

Men at Action!

By putting “men” in the center, MASVAW operates directly where the source of VAW lies. For most women’s groups working on women empowerment VAW is just a peripheral issue and they rarely focus on changing men’s “intrinsic” behavior. MASVAW, on the other hand, does not see it as only a “women’s issue,” but views it as resulting from men’s behavior pattern that has a social context. Therefore, it works with men, the perpetrators of violence, to make them understand their own-selves better and how their wrong conceptions and patriarchal tendencies lead them to inflict violence on women, almost instinctly. In addition, it also offers a supportive hand to the victim through social action.

The MASVAW campaign aims at providing men with different ways of expressing masculinity, increasing their awareness of different forms of VAW and motivating them to shun violence, protest against violence, provide new role models, and support victims. The network also works with men to promote responsible partnership between the married couples to improve women’s reproductive health and rights – dominant men imposes their ignorance too on women.

MASVAW’s strategy is two fold: First set the process of change in men, and then encourage them to take social action.

Sensitizing, Educating, and Supporting Men

“Initially I thought I would only work with others. I didn’t think I wanted to change myself but later realized if I don’t make change within myself first there’s no way I can bring change in others.” – A MASVAW activist

Emotional Support

An important component of MASVAW is the attention it pays to men’s issues. While most groups focus on providing support services for women, men rarely get assistance in the form of care or counseling and they hardly have access to accurate relevant information. MASVAW provides a safe space for the boys and men to express their emotions. It allows them to discuss their problems openly which then leads them to examine wider social issues, such as the changing roles of men and women. The simple exercise of communicating with men often led to an improvement in their behavior.

The importance of looking after emotional needs of men is most emphatically outlined at a MASVAW discussion in Gorakhpur, organized by the Saraswati Devi Shiksha Samiti Inter College, where the participants decided to set up a ‘Crying Club’ for men, where they can cry or discuss emotional issues with other men the way women do, free of social pressures and without the fear of being laughed at.

Educating Men on Men’s Reproductive Health

MASVAW also discovered that men hold a lot of myths and misconceptions about their own sexual health. Their fears and concerns deeply affect their behavior with their partners. Ignoring men’s needs for reproductive health information and services was seen as having a detrimental effect on women. Unless men are also educated about the need, for instance, to practice safe sex and prevent unwanted pregnancies, healthcare services and related information to his partner may not be effective in any meaningful way. If men refuse to cooperate in changing their sexual behavior, women’s health would continue to be jeopardized.

Discussions reveal that men’s own reproductive health needs are rarely addressed by anyone. Therefore, education about condom-use and encouragement to undergo vasectomy, for instance, are topics sometimes taken up at the men-only workshops. Men are encouraged to take the responsibility for safe sex, rather than putting the onus on the women. They are also told to seek immediate and effective treatment for infections like STD and avoid passing it on to their wives.

Educating Men on Women’s Reproductive Health

Another important aspect has been the focus on women’s reproductive health system men’s workshops system, about which they apparently knew very little. For instance, their understanding of menstruation is often very sketchy. How educating men on this vital area helps, is explained by MASVAW’s convener Satish Singh: “Exploring men’s knowledge, attitudes and behavior in the areas of sexuality and reproduction and the manner in which they deal with sexual relationships, all contribute in finding ways for couples to negotiate safety and satisfaction in their sexual relationship.”

Help Remove Ignorance and Cultural Beliefs

Men sometimes express complete ignorance of the implications of some of the cultural beliefs and practices they enforce. In some cases they reveal they have blindly followed social expectations, enacting certain roles because they know of none other. With the help of MASVAW initiated discussions, men also recognize the psychological stress they take on themselves by being unable to publicly express the “gentler emotions”. For instance they are unable to express concern for their woman partner, as it would be taken as a sign of weakness. They also feel compelled to stay away from ‘matters of the woman’s domain’ because of family and peer-pressure. In fact, not being expected or permitted to participate in pregnancy, child-birth or post-partum care can be difficult for their own emotional needs.

The core idea is for men to stop discrimination against and rights violation of women, and adopt new supportive roles, responsibilities and behavior. To promote this MASVAW focuses on the formation of an “alternate” male identity, emphasizing its effect in the exercise of power in men-women relations, the dynamics of a couple’s negotiation and decision-making, strategies for resolving disagreement and how men should relate to women’s reproductive health issues.

2. Encouraging Men to Take Social Action

MASVAW men in action

Apart from gender sensitization training to help men bring about personal changes in their lives, MASVAW has also built a cadre of committed men’s groups in towns and villages who actively follow-up cases of crimes against women and make efforts to get justice for victims.

Sanjay Pandey, head of the Chandrakanta Gram Udyog Seva Sansthan, a MASVAW partner in Gorakhpur, for instance, is involved in helping out rape victims. A recently concluded successful intervention by his team was the case of a poor six-year old Dalit girl who was sexually assaulted by her maternal uncle. When the medical examination took place the doctor insisted the girl’s wounds were due to an external injury. Following an intervention by the MASVAW team, the doctor re-examined the girl and acknowledged that it was indeed a case of rape. The team collected money from the public to fight her case and stood by the girl and her mother till the rapist was put behind bars. MASVAW is also involved in giving help to a woman in Gorakhpur whose arm and leg were amputated following the torture she underwent for resisting her father-in-law’s advances. Money is being raised for her medical treatment and the fitting of prosthetics, and support provided in dealing with lawyers and the police.

Pandey says, “In one year of our activities we have made a lot of progress. People now know that whenever they are in any kind of trouble and need help, they can rely on the MASVAW network to support them.” The NGO is now trying to set up youth organizations in the Panchayats (councils) of villages neighboring Gorakhpur. The aim is to motivate youth to take up cudgels against child marriage, dowry-harassment and domestic violence in their villages.

An unmarried young man from Jaunpur feels highly sensitized on women VAW and says, “Whenever we hear about any domestic violence case, we intervene without thinking who the victim is.”

Santosh Kushwaha of Banda is not only highly satisfied with the positive changes in relationship with wife and other family members but has inspired others too. For instance, he encouraged the principal of a local inter college to change his abusive behavior towards women. Likewise a rich man who had strained relationship with wife and was staying away from her began relating to her in a positive way. Another success story that he related is from Late Kamta Prasad Shastri Mahavidyalay in Badausa town of Banda district in Uttar Pradesh where, due to MASVAW groups intervention, the post of vice president got reserved for ladies only.

Rajdev Chaturvedy of Azamgarh narrated the following story of transformation in the life a woman from affluent background, in a telephonic interview.

A postgraduate woman was working as a teacher in a private institute of her father-in-law where her husband was the principal. Despite the strong educational background of the family she was a victim of gender violence at the hand of her husband and in-laws. She was contemplating suicide when she got hold of a pamphlet distributed during a MASVAW campaign. [Interestingly, the (Pad-Yatra) campaign was earlier started from her house!!] She got in touch with the group and narrated her sorry situation.

When some group members contacted the family her husband and father-in-law first became furious and then concerned about family reputation in the society. While Rajdev never met the woman nor contacted any male member of the family but soon things got sorted out in the family. Now the woman feels highly grateful to MASVAW members, particularly Rajdev, that their intervention saved her life. Rajdev, however, gives credit to the woman for the courage to speak out openly against the violence which created a social pressure that resulted in behavior change of the male members of her family.

In a rape case in Pratapgarh, the victim was not making any complain to the police because of fears of defamation. The youth group intervened and talked to the girl. They talked to some important local people and lodged a complaint. The culprits were taken into custody. The group then tried to help the women get government benefits meant for single women. In another case of rape of a widow in Fatehpur, the youth group intervened and supported her in lodging complaint.

Here are some more examples of how MASVAW men take social actions:

• When women were not given adequate and timely payment for their MGNREGA works, men’s groups in some villages of Pratapgarh intervened. The youth group in Redigarapur village intervened in a similar situation and complained to concerned authorities. They persistently followed up until the panchayat (local council) leader was finally compelled to pay the wages properly.

• In Aurahi village, some boys from other villages used to tease girls in the village mela organized every year. The Aurahi youth group, along with some other adults, intervened in the situation and tried to persuade the teasers. But when the boys didn’t listen they finally lodged a police complaint.

• Youth groups in Pratapgarh facilitated admission of children in school – they convinced authorities to exempt fees of some poor girls and encouraged some parents to send their girls to school. Youth groups in some villages educated widows and other single women about various government schemes designed for their benefits. Some even contacted Panchayat and other officials and ensured that the needy women get the benefits of widow pension or old age pension schemes.

• A young teacher from Pratapgarh advocated and arranged for girls’ toilet in his school as he felt that the girls were facing problems in absence of a toilet.

• Another youth from Jaunpur stood against relatives when a widow was not allowed to enter in the kitchen in a marriage ceremony.

• Susheel Yadav from Jaunpur went against his family when he failed to persuade the family to allow his sister for higher education. He took his sister to the city and arranged for her admission in a degree college. Then he got her a bicycle and trained her to ride it. He has also helped this sister and some other community women to form a group and support other girls who want to study.

Bicycle rallies by men in Azamgarh on Women’s Day and media campaign and street plays in Gorakhpur have been organized in support of women’s issues. In the village of Birsapur Khurdin Pratapgarh district, a youth club set up by MASVAW successfully prevented setting up of a liquor shop near a primary school.

In several towns MASVAW members have sensitized existing citizen’s groups and local vigilance groups on the issue of violence. Professionals such as doctors and lawyers have been told to bring to notice incidents of violence against women that they come across in the course of their practice, and shopkeepers and businessmen around crowded places like railway stations have been asked to report cases of violence. Medical shop owners in Gorakhpur have been motivated by MASVAW members not to sell expired or banned women’s contraceptives.

You may also be wondering how MASVAW brings about change and what are MASVAW’s tools to bring about change.

Overview of MASVAW’s Work

What are MASVAW’s Tools/Processes to Bring About Change

Ice-breaking Tools of Change

Along its journey, MASVAW has been raising awareness and building capacity of men in different fields such as in academia, media, private sector, with other professionals on a wide range of topics including men and gender equality, gender based violence, violence against women, masculinity, male reproductive and sexual health, men as responsible partners for women’s reproductive and sexual health and as responsible parents and the sexual rights of young people and sexual minorities.

Being sensitive, all the above topics require use of appropriate tools targeting different age groups. Some very effective tools such as flash cards, the game of Snakes/Ladders, and an activity book for younger generation have been developed and are used in various activities. These tools serve as ice breakers, to initiate and facilitate discussion and further the understanding of the target group and stakeholders on specific issues.

The games in the program were designed in a way that they reduce gender stereotypes prevailing in the region and are used to facilitate interaction among the participants on gender related perceptions and behaviors.

Snake and Ladder Game to Sensitize Men

Processes/Interventions of Change

If games and activities are important tools to create and sustain interest of the participants and audience, workshops are the primary catalysts of change. They set into motion the correct understanding of our highly gender-unjust society resulting and how it has evolved from the patriarchal mindset that exists inside every man. Workshops provide fresh angle and the correct perspective to view what goes on inside a man’s mind and in his surrounding social atmosphere. Discussing issues in peer groups and sharing personal observations and actions further reassure and support the participants.

Researcher Emily M. Maosa (of University of Liverpool, UK) who studied behavior change of MASVAW men found workshops to be the most effective intervention. She noted: “The interventions of MASVAW that have helped the men to change in their behavior which were most cited by the respondents were workshops. The workshops helped the men to understand about women’s rights and reach out to other men.”

Other tools of change such as rallies, seminars, and meetings, support MASVAW’s work to organize men against violence and gender inequality by creating right social atmosphere and also generate awareness for public accountability to address VAW. MASVAW groups provide a safe and supporting environment to men to vent their feelings and resolve conflicts and confusions. MASVAW also trains facilitators who support men in freely discussing their personal issues.

Watch this Video: Drama Competition Organized by MASVAW

Don’t forget to read How MASVAW brings about change in men.

Overview of MASVAW’s Work

How MASVAW Brings About Change

Playing on the Minds of Men!

The Process of Change

Getting men to think about women sounds easy, but it is not. Having them talk sense about women is even tougher. Ask Ravi. At Vishayi village in Uttar Pradesh’s Barabanki district he stands confronting a circle of eyes. Only men. Yet it’s the absent women who are the overwhelming presence.

Ravibegins by introducing the participants to each other. The men are small traders, cultivators, young students, drawn from Vishayi and other surrounding villages. They are here in their capacity as husband, father, brother, in-law.Ravipicks two men from the group. Each is given a task to complete, such as making a drawing or putting together a puzzle. One can go about it independently. The second must work only on instructions given by others, yet he is not allowed to speak a word and must remain silent all the time.

The first participant quickly finishes his assignment, while the other mute participant is confused and frustrated by the instructions on which he must depend.

For the gathered men this is the first taste: of what it can mean to be a woman. The games continue at this workshop for men in Barabanki, conducted byRavifrom the network MASVAW. The aim is to make men understand how domination and powerlessness affects decision-making abilities and self-esteem of women.

In the second game, a line is drawn on the floor. Two men stand behind it, one of them is pretending to be a woman. It’s like a game of snakes and ladders. WithRavireading out from flash-cards, the participants take ONE step-forward when positive things happen to them, and ONE step-backward when it’s negative.

Ravicalls out: ‘Celebrations! A boy is born,’ followed by ‘Gloom. It’s a girl.’ And so on. Leading them through the game of life – all the way from schooling for boys and girls to the meals they eat, from going out of home and meeting people to marriage and caring for the sick and elderly. Gradually the “man” moves ahead, leaving behind the “woman” who is clearly slowed down by domestic responsibilities, violence and discrimination.

A silence descends on the group as the ‘man’ easily outpaces the ‘woman’ to reach the ‘Finish’ line. The members look thoughtful, uncomfortable. Now is the time to sow seeds in their minds – to challenge mental stereotypes and set attitudes.

A participant who has been coming regularly for such workshops is 42-year old Dinesh Kumar Maurya. He tells the gathered newcomers that at first he walked out of the program following differences during discussions on the role of men and women at home. Initially he saw no reason why he should help out with domestic work, which he considered his wife’s work. Gradually, he says, his attitude changed. When he tells the gathering that now he has started chopping vegetables at home and bathing children to get them ready for school in the morning, he faces stiff resistance.

One member says, “If we put our wives on such a high pedestal it will go straight to their heads. They will refuse to do the housework.” Others fear they will be called “Joroo ka ghulam” (wife’s servant), if they are seen carrying out such lowly tasks. These views are countered by 26-year old Babulal Bharati, who says “it is better to do the right thing and have a wife who is happy and not tired all the time, rather than blindly follow social norms.”

Many of the men say it is the wife’s duty to serve her husband, particularly when she does not “work” outside like her man. When asked, the husbands say they do not consider the heavy household work to be “work” in the true sense. Drawing out such prejudices and countering them with alternate suggestions, the MASVAW members feel it frequently takes more than three to four meetings with a group for attitudes to start shifting somewhat.

Since the MASVAW activities started in Vishayi in partnership with the local NGO Vigyan Foundation, villagers say the awareness generated has had its effect. Earlier around a dozen cases of bride-burning were reported from here each year; this heinous crime has come down to just one or two cases a year.

In fact, men themselves are asked what the punishment should be for such crimes. Hanging to death, was the unanimous answer to bride burning. The suggested punishments for incidents like eve teasing and molestation included various forms of ostracism by the village, such as being excluded from village meetings and hookah-chillum sessions.

 The Process of Change Begins!

(a) Ideological Change

At the outset of the process, often the deeply ingrained gendered mindset is jolted as can be seen from the following comments:

“I was shocked when the trainers talked about joining wife in the kitchen.” – A married youth in Pratapgarh

“When I heard MASVAW men for the first time, I thought they are talking nonsense.” – An unmarried young man from Jaunpur

But as the gender justice message begins to sink, men wonder as to how any change is really possible, but acknowledge the presence of VAW as well as its seriousness:

“How can we change these (patriarchal system), these have been practiced for so long since the days of our four fathers…. After attending the training I realized that these things happen in our families in daily life but we never pay attention.” — A married man, Pratapgarh

“These are serious issues.” – 26 year old unmarried PhD scholar, Jaunpur

Many begin to reflect on their own actions too and realize their faulty behavior. For instance,

“Brow beating and taunting are also kind of violence.”  – A youth from Jaunpur

After discussions on sex and sexuality many married man also start to see the component of violence in forced sex or sex done without considering the partner’s desire. And as the association with MASVAW’s programs goes ahead, an overall sense of responsibility about one’s behavior germinates.

“The most important change I find in myself after involving with the program is an increased sense of responsibility. Earlier I used to ask wife and others for every single work. I used to throw my copies anywhere in the room after returning home from tuition and ask them to find it on the next day. I used to scold them when they didn’t get it quickly. I have reduced my anger to a great extent and don’t scold any one at home now. I have dealt with the tendency to ‘always establish my own point without considering what others are thinking.” — A Married man, Pratapgarh

The change in the ideology also inspires them to look back into the values and behaviors they have been practicing, and re-think the gender roles at home, various forms of violence in the society, ideas of real man etc. Many of them remember their “mistaken notion” of ‘women’s works’ and realized the fact that they were overburdening their mothers and other women and girls in the family. They now discover happiness in the time spent at home and helping the women folks in their domestic chores. It leads them to discover a new meaning of being a “real man” – one who respects everyone and treats every one with care and concern.

(b) Behavioral Change

Men start doing their own work and shift away from the habit of depending on women folks. They also begin helping women of the house in domestic chores like fetching water, washing clothes, cleaning, cooking etc. Consulting wives, mothers or sisters and not acting unilaterally as earlier is a healthy change admired by women. Anger management also becomes an important area of change for many men.

“If I can’t control my anger I just leave the place.” – A youth from Jaunpur, UP

Men also report about their abstinence from violence and other discriminatory behavior in the family and among peers. Young men and boys are often found arguing with peers on respecting girls and stopping eve-teasing, although they themselves might have been indulging in eve-teasing earlier.

The tendency of “wasting time with friends” gets replaced with a preference for “spending more time at home” is another commonly behavior change. Many also report a feeling of happiness over ones’ changing behavior. The gains of the change were seen in aspects of family life such as a happier relationship with family members. (“There is less tension between me and my wife.”)

“A thirty two year old teacher from Pratapgarh used to think that being a teacher he knew everything and used to scold everybody for their mistakes. He used to always go by the social norms and thought that it’s a women’s responsibility to look after men in the family. However, MASVAW’s program has made him realize that it was a mistake on his part to think in this way. He has become gentle in his talks with wife and siblings and participates in household tasks.”

– Process Report (2009 – 2011): Supporting Men’s Actions to Eliminate Violence against Women in Uttar Pradesh, A project supported through UN Trust Fund

What are the tools/processes by which MASVAW changes men?

Overview of MASVAW’s Work